Sociology of Revolution

Sociology of Revolution

With the significance of Franc’s takeover of Spain noted, this piece will investigate the revolutionary changing of the guard following the departure of Promo De Riviera prior to the Civil War that put the Republicans, a coalition of Socialists, Anarchists, and leftists, in command in one of the most volatile nations in Europe at the time. John Foray’s Theory Of Third World Revolutions (Forman, 2005) is used to analyze the political paradigm shift in Spain prior to the Civil War (1930-1936).

Despite difficulties of categorizing Spain as ‘third world,” when applied, a nation is exposed with a highly exclusive polity under both General Promo De Riviera (1923-1930) and earlier the Constitutional Monarchy (1875-1923), a distinctly polarize social structure with large income and power gaps that provided ingrained political cultures of opposition, a moving economic downturn created by the Great Depression, and a world systemic opening generated via the seeds of previous and brewing World War. Revolution Outline Spain was in turmoil for significant portions of the 19th century.

The urban and rural classes never consistently interacted; the gap between the poor and wealthy was large and growing and both political and economic repression had become an all too common theme. The nation had developed up as primarily an agrarian state supported by a dwindling colonial empire, with major territories abroad in the Philippines, Cuba, Puerco Rice, and Mexico. However Mexican independence in 1821 foreshadowed troubles later in the century. These woes stockpiled until a pronouncements, a military coup d’tat, initiated by General Arsenic Impracticalness against King Madame established the First Republic in 1873.

The First Republic represented the first attempt by the Republicans, a prominent leftist group, to play a major role in the Spanish political realm. However it was wrought with civil wars and saw the leadership of four different presidents. Doomed to fail from the beginning, in December, 1 874 a high ranking military officer, lent allegiance to the Alfonse, a monarchist group supporting a constitutional monarchy under King Alfonse XII, spelling the end of the First Republic. Brandt, Joseph, 1933] Despite the reestablishment of the Constitutional Monarchy under King Alfonse XII, Spain remained divided in many of the same ways as before. The briefly lived Republic had done very little except draw attention to the growing problems in the underdeveloped nation. Furthermore, King Alfonse XII died in 1886 leaving his newly born son Alfonse XIII to inherit the crown with his mother Maria Christina of Austria looking over the seat of the monarchy until Alfonse XIII reached the age of sixteen.

Her reign was not very significant save one event: the Spanish-American War in 1898. Spain and its nearly obsolete military regime were embarrassed by the Americans during the conflict. Besides just losing, the United States also took control of the Philippines, Puerco Rice, and Cuba. These colonial possessions marked some of the most important for Spain and thus the war marked the end of Spanish Leonia prominence. 2 In response to the embarrassing defeat of the Spanish-American War, a time remembered as ‘the Disaster in Spanish history, a political movement called regenerations came about.

Developed by political and intellectual elites to diagnose the drawbacks of the current monarchy regime, regeneration’s symbolized the distrust the people had in both the monarchy and the Cortes (the Spanish Parliament). This distrust stemmed from the little political and social growth that occurred between 1874 and 1902 as the government continued to repress the people. Two systems in particular repressed political activity and maintained the “old guard” presence in the government: the communism and the turnout pacific. The communism system represented a “bottom up” method Of political coercion.

In this system, the Minister of the Interior ran “elections” where local bosses (“Jacques”) brought in the vote for their districts as they saw fit. Much like despotism, these bosses influenced their constituencies into voting how they wanted. At the root of the Cortes, this obviously system prevented true representation, free elections, and installed elements of repression deep onto the weaves of the Spanish society. The turnout pacific system on the other hand could be seen as a “top-down” method of political manipulation.

Through the turnout, the control over the Cortes alternated Beethoven two dynastic parties: the Conservatives and the Liberals. Again the system operated through the Interior Minster as he met with monarchist opposition to discuss an agreed list of candidates with which centers of focus were decided as to determine who won the next election. Despite the peacefulness Of the turnover, there were no elections to establish majority party nor were minor parties able to make significant gains in the political realm.

Both of these systems represented the epitome of what the irrationalities stood against as they sought to remove “the artificiality of 3 the Spanish parliamentary regime due to the absence of living channels of communication between representatives and citizens. ” (Moreno Luzon, 2012, pig. 53) An equally powerful, and perhaps more dangerous, movement in Spain following ‘the Disaster’ were the growing sentiments of “expansionism” among the military and monarchists. Humiliated at its defeat, the military roughs it upon itself to restore a sense of nationalism primarily because it was being mocked and criticized for its methods in the conflict.

To make matters worse, growing sentiments of regional fracturing were present in Catalonia and the Basque country as these highly differentiated segments of Spain began considering the ramifications of their own nationalism. In response, the military became increasingly repressive of labor strikes and dissidence, especially of those in the aforementioned regions. This increased aggression and repression marked the onset of growing radicalism and Fascism within the Spanish military, an element that would grow significantly in the coming decades.

In 1 914, the coming of World War increased pressure on the Spanish state. Outside of Spain, Fascism had been growing at an even greater rate. Italy and Germany had come under the direction of Fascist dictators that worked to grow their militaries and exert their dominance. Despite its importance to both sides of the conflict, Spain remained neutral. There were efforts to draw Spain because of its interactions with Morocco. However for the most part it remained neutral economically as well. Nonetheless, historian Francisco Roomer Salvador remarked, “Spain did not enter the war, but the war entered Spain. The War had a variety of impacts on the Spain despite the lack of direct conflict on the part Of the Spanish military or on Spanish turf. The economic impact of the War was positive for the Spanish. By remaining independent, the economy had a chance to grow and industry 4 expanded rapidly. Exports increased to support the countries involved in the conflict combined while increased immigration encouraged infrastructural development. Overall, Spain improved economically because of World War. Socially, a divide grew between those who supported the Allied forces and those who supported the Germans (and its allies).

Those supporting the Allied forces were called the Loadings, while those with the Germans were the Germinations. The divide in War support followed the general social divisions within Spain in 1914. The new guard, those excluded from the political polity, supported the Allied forces due their sympathies for increased liberty and representation of the democratic processes. Conservatives and Catholics, the foundations of the old guard, were Germinations because of the German peoples’ support of the fatherland, their obedience to an autocratic state, respect for order, and their strong military traditions (Moreno Luzon, 2012, pig 37).

Following through with this move towards Fascism on the part of state, Army General Promo De Riviera incited a pronouncements against the Cortes and the monarchy in 1923. Promo De Riviera insisted that he would return control to the Cortes as soon as the system offered individuals who would lead “uncontaminated with the vices of political organization. ” (Moreno Luzon, 201 2, pig 18) In some sense, Promo De Riviera was highly successful. He ended uprisings in Morocco with relatively low amounts of violence and worked to continue the economic growth following the end of WWW.

He was then named Prime Minister by Alfonse XIII in an attempt to recognize the legitimacy of the state; however he also maintained a heavy hand as he fired all civilian politicians and appointed a supreme Directory of eight military men. Furthermore he got rid of the Cortes, dissolved the Constitution, and established martial law. 5 Promo De Riviera led a state that was “highly interventionist in the economic field, religious, corporatist, and reactionary…. (Moreno Luzon, 201 2, pig 27).

After destroying the legislative elements of the political system without solving the nation’s problems, Promo De Riviera lost the support of the both the monarchy and the military. After a large student demonstration at Madras’s University City, Promo De River left for Paris and abdicated his position at the pinnacle Of the State. With the leader Of the nation gone, the parliamentary system dissolved, and the legitimacy of the monarchy in question a massive power vacuum appeared. Although this power vacuum set the stage for the revolutionary shift in Spain’s ideology, one significant tipping point was necessary: the Great Depression.

Although under a repressive dictatorial regime, the economic and infrastructural improvements seen between 1914 and 1930 induced a “psychophysically revolution of rising expectations” that made the downfall of the Great Depression so harsh (Payne, 2012, pig 23). Many historians point out the fact that Spain was spared from many of the woes of the Depression. Nevertheless it was detrimental to industry as both iron and steel production dropped by fifty percent, unemployment rose significantly, and the value of eel wages in relation to GAP plummeted (GimpNZ, 2005, pig 23).

Once the economic woes caught up to the power VaCUUm, the Republicans and their socialists, anarchists, and communists allies won their municipal elections in a landslide and took control of the Cortes, affirming a leftist takeover of the Spain. Kinder the direction of Incite Local;-Somoza, the Second Republic drafted a new constitution under a Constituent Congress that went into effect immediately. The Second Republic would survive despite uprisings from 6 militant anarchists unhappy with progress until 1936, when the Nationalists ender Franco incited the Spanish Civil War in a re-revolutionary movement.

Analysis of Foray’s Model John Foray’s theory of third world revolution highlights certain characteristic variables that constitute a revolution. Forman looks at an economic development rooted in dependence on core countries, the establishment of an exclusionary polity, the creation of a popularizing culture of political opposition, and a combination of an economic downturn and a world lessening of restriction that culminate in a revolutionary outbreak.

The shift in political and social culture within Spain between 1931 and 1936 offers better presentations of some of the elements than others, yet seen as a whole Foray’s theory presents a complete enough image of the revolution as to derive its causes. The dependent development element of Foray’s theory is the characteristic that points toward a third world origin directly. However, there are a couple of reasons why this variable is not precisely apparent in this context. First, Spain was not a third world state.

Although the least developed and economically advanced in a Western European sense, Spain was still ahead of its southern and eastern European counterparts. Furthermore Spain did not operate via a cash crop or reenter system; in fact, the exports from Spain were not especially strong. This draws from Foray’s theory that dependently developed nations are only economically viable because Of investment from and trade with core nations. The Spanish economy had strong industrial centers in Madrid and Barcelona, yet because of highly decentralized patterns of development the nation could not reach economic prominence.

Political pressures contributed more to a dependent state of development in the nation however, as the Spanish were aware of the liberal polities in France 7 ND England and sought to see these freedoms at home. In summation, despite the presence of political and economic pressures from neighboring countries, Spain’s power as a Western nation in conjunction with its marginally industrialized economy prevented the state from developing completely dependently. The political systems in place prior to the 1930 rise of the new guard serve as literal paradigms of Foray’s “exclusionary’ polities. From the communism system that prevented the people from having a meaningful say in their parliamentary representation to the turnout pacific that systematically decided which of the majority parties would be in command (all under the direction of the Interior Minister), the majority of the Spanish people were excluded from any legitimate political processes. The Constitutional Monarchy did little to even provide a facade of transparency. Instead it repressed dissidents and kept those who supported the crown, the bourgeoisie, the landowners, the Church, the wealthy, and the military in power.

Further political repression would exist under the dictatorial regime of General Promo De Riviera who crushed uprisings and instituted a state of martial law. Although the monarchy may have been able to recover and gain the support of the people following the departure of Promo De Riviera, the dearth of nationalistic support directly reveals the lack of enthusiasm for the government in 193. Under both the constitutional monarchy and the dictatorship, the lower classes of society were forced to suffer while those at the top reaped the benefits, an environment that is a breeding ground for revolutionary upheaval.

Despite the popularizing contributions the extremist governments added to the situation, a culture of political opposition had almost always existed in Spain thin which the old guard, consisting of urban industrialists, landlords, wealthy politicians, the military, and the Catholic Church, butted heads with the lower class workers, farmers, urban intelligentsia, and other 8 middle class groups that suffered under the regimes of the State. Called the pueblo, these lower class groups suffered through poor living and working conditions.

However not until the extreme repression under Promo De Riviera when all hopes of social mobility removed, did groups such as the anarchists and the socialists begin to catch headwind. The gaps between the poor and he rich were growing at increasing rates, encouraged by unevenly dispersed gained from both repatriation of capital from the Spanish-American War and industrial exports from World War One. By 1920 the National Confederation of Labor, an anarchist labor group, had 750,000 members.

Similar growth trends were present in the Spanish Socialists party and the Spanish Communist Party as organized labor and the intelligentsia began to push back against the restrictive old guard regimes. Two additional elements contributed to the growing grievances between the Republicans and the Nationalists. First was the fact that the military had been growing increasingly aggressive with respect to protests. The military crushed protests in Morocco in 1 928 with many casualties.

The second was the growing anti-clerical movement in Spain and throughout Europe. The Church had always held a powerful position in governmental affairs and the intelligentsia was growing to resent it upon a “separation of church and state” standard. Conflicts with the church would come to center stage in 1931 when hundreds of Churches across the country were burned to the ground, highlighting the extreme positions of political opposition. Foray’s theory is most applicable when the economic downturn and world systemic opening elements are analyzed.

Following the increases in population, infrastructure, and economic virility between 1 900 and 1931, Spain was looking toward a bright industrial future. Even under repressive political regimes, Spain’s real wage rate was able to increase up until 1 920 when Promo De Riviera took over. Between 1 920 and 1931 the real wage rate stayed 9 steady while the national GAP grew, demonstrating a significant decrease in purchasing power for the common Spanish worker (GimpNZ, 2005, pig 28). This drop in growth was finally capped by the Great Depression that began in 1929.

As previously mentioned, the Great Depression may not have impacted Spain as harshly as it did some other European nations. Nonetheless, industry was crippled, the already struggling agricultural market saw losses, and the trade balanced suffered as foreign nations became insular, protecting their own domestic economies. In essence, the Great Depression toppled an economy that may have been growing on paper despite the minimal gains of those at the bottom. With the Great Depression further degrading the situation, the releasing of reign pressure incited the final revolution.

Important trade partners of Spain such as England and France were interested in preventing conflict within Spain, yet the failure of a “Implementation” agreement amongst the countries of Europe allowed Germany and Italy to get involved which contributed significantly to the conflict (Casanova, 2010, pig. 17). The Germans and Italians, eager to encourage Fascism and test their militaries supported the conflict instead of staying non-engaged. Called the “Little World War,” the conflict between the Nationalists and Republicans excited the rest Of Europe.

The least moving element of Foray’s theory in the scope of Spain is the revolutionary outbreak. The movement was spread amongst a variety of cultural and social divisions and sought change for many groups. With that being said, there was no true “moment” of revolution that incited everything. Students did protest in 1 930 in Madrid to call for the removal of Promo De Riviera, however the true shift in power did not come militarily or directly from protest as in other situations.

Instead political divide came be;men the government and the people came to an 10 apex when the Republicans were able to win power through municipal elections, re-write the constitution, and begin the short reign of the Second Republic. Spain’s revolution prior to the Civil War is difficult to characterize. The political revolution at hand shifted power from the domineering old guard to the young, disadvantaged labors who had suffered under the Monarchy and Promo De Riviera. Rooted in a variety of social, political, and economic causes, Spain had reached a tipping point.

While Foray’s theory of revolution looks to characterize Third World revolutions the presence of exclusionary polities, polarize cultures of political opposition, a detrimental economic downturn in the Great Depression, and a world systemic opening generated by previous and oncoming world conflicts drive at the cause of this political revolution. Despite five promising years for the Second Republic, the failure of the revolution to take complete hold may be rooted in why it was so difficult to characterize: method and size.

The coalition of forces working to overthrow the old guard was so wide and diverse that it was difficult to maintain unity. The anarchists left the Republicans at one point because their policies were not radical enough, while middle class groups saw many provisions as too addict. Regardless of the distaste for the government, the sheer expanse in opinion contributed to failure. Additionally, Spain is not truly a third world country and thus did not depend on a core nation to develop.

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